<?xml version="1.1" encoding="utf-8"?>
<article xsi:noNamespaceSchemaLocation="http://jats.nlm.nih.gov/publishing/1.1/xsd/JATS-journalpublishing1-mathml3.xsd" dtd-version="1.1" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">SE</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title>Society and Economy</journal-title></journal-title-group><issn>2995-4959</issn><eissn>2995-4975</eissn><publisher><publisher-name>Art and Technology</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.61369/SE.12535</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Article</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title>新时期厄瓜多尔印第安人运动的发展与特征</title><url>https://artdesignp.com/journal/SE/2/12/10.61369/SE.12535</url><author>李诗昕,于淼</author><pub-date pub-type="publication-year"><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>2</volume><issue>12</issue><history><date date-type="pub"><published-time>2024-12-20</published-time></date></history><abstract>自20世纪90年代以来，反体系与反资本主义思想在拉丁美洲的传播促使印第安人群体权利意识觉醒，暴力与非暴力维权运动成为拉美民主政治的重要组成部分。印第安人运动的诉求已由单纯身份平等转向国家政治、经济和社会参与，并在国家层面产生显著影响。2022年，厄瓜多尔印第安人示威爆发，集中抗议资源分配不公，波及全国多个省市，并通过政府与示威组织的谈判促成政策调整。本文旨在分析2022年示威的成因、过程及其影响，结合运动历史脉络，探索拉美&amp;ldquo;粉红浪潮&amp;rdquo;新阶段中的新特点，揭示其对厄瓜多尔民主政治建构的深远影响。</abstract><keywords>拉美,印第安人运动,厄瓜多尔,新态势,政治抗争</keywords></article-meta></front><body/><back><ref-list><ref id="B1" content-type="article"><label>1</label><element-citation publication-type="journal"><p>[1]Thurner M.Peasant politics and Andean haciendas in the transition to capitalism:an ethnographic history[J].Latin American Research Review,1993,28(3):41-82.[2]Gustafson B.Indigenous and Popular Struggle for Realist Utopias in Bolivia and Ecuador[J].Latin American Research Review,2023,58(4):949-959.[3] 袁东振. 理解拉美主要国家政治制度的变迁[J]. 世界经济与政治,2017,(10):23-42.[4] 李菡, 袁东振. 拉美政治发展的钟摆效应与新一轮左翼浪潮的特点[J]. 国外理论动态,2022,(03):64-72.[5]Guerrero A.El levantamiento ind&amp;iacute;gena nacional de 1994:discurso y representaci&amp;oacute;n pol&amp;iacute;tica （Ecuador)[J].Bolet&amp;iacute;n americanista,2000,(50):123-152.[6]Ayala J P A,Marquinez L C C,V&amp;aacute;squez J A C.Indicador de pobreza por ingreso en Ecuador y el efecto Covid-19,del 2010 al 2020[J].Sociedad&amp;amp;Tecnolog&amp;iacute;a,2021,4(2):248-264.[7]Serrano F G.Del sue&amp;ntilde;o a la pesadilla:el movimiento ind&amp;iacute;gena en Ecuador[M].Editorial FLACSO Ecuador,2021.[8]Pacari N.Reflexiones sobre el proyecto pol&amp;iacute;tico de la CONAIE:logros y vigencia[J].As&amp;iacute; encendimos la mecha!Trienta a&amp;ntilde;os del levantamiento ind&amp;iacute;gena de Ecuador:unahistoria permanente,2020:13-24.[9]Lupien P,Rinc&amp;oacute;n A,Vargas A L,et al.#Resistencia: Indigenous Movements,Social Media,and Mobilization in Latin America[J].Latin American ResearchReview,2024,59(4):803- 822.[10]Altmann P. Ecologists by default? How the indigenous movement in Ecuador became protector of nature[J].Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research,2020,33(2): 160-172.</p><pub-id pub-id-type="doi"/></element-citation></ref></ref-list></back></article>
